What they did was try to re-conceptualise the working class. Not in an economic sense, but as a cultural identity. It was about a working class who was looked down upon by these metropolitan middle-class people for being vulgar, and not sharing their values on immigration, multiculturalism or patriotism. The middle class looked at these people with revulsion and disgust. And that is what happened: a particular type of liberal centrist remainer were often the most guilty parties. They talked of this racist, bigoted lumpen working class who basically brought Brexit on the country. Cynically, what happened was the right-wing stopped talking about these people as chavs, and actually try to present themselves as the champions of the downtrodden against the liberal metropolitan elite. Brady, Phelim (8 February 2013). "Interview: Owen Jones". Varsity.co.uk. Archived from the original on 28 September 2013 . Retrieved 26 September 2013. Because workers are freeloaders, they give birth uncontrollably, are dangerous, are basically "flaites" in Chilean or "chavs" in English. To self proclaim as middle class is a public statement that supposedly put us away from that misery. Cuando Thatcher llegó al poder en 1979 había 5 millones de pobres en Reino Unido. En 1992, tras tres mandatos, había catorce millones de pobres en Reino Unido. El tejido industrial había sido destruido. Explicad cómo eso es bueno para el pueblo británico. Pista: no lo es.

In this acclaimed investigation, Owen Jones explores how the working class has gone from “salt of the earth” to “scum of the earth.” Exposing the ignorance and prejudice at the heart of the chav caricature, he portrays a far more complex reality. The chav stereotype, he argues, is used by governments as a convenient figleaf to avoid genuine engagement with social and economic problems and to justify widening inequality. Margaret Thatcher y el thatcherismo fueron peores para el Reino Unido que los bombardeos de los alemanes. Jones subtitles his book 'the demonization of the working class' -- but that isn't far removed from criminalising them. For as long as I can remember, debate has raged over welfare reform and 'scroungers' milking the system, of the need to create real jobs that allow people to leave benefits, of so-called benefit dependency. Over the years, it's moved from some -- admittedly heated -- debate towards shrill moralising and contemptuous slander. Under this current coalition Government, it has reached a terrifying peak. The problem is that she has written a play that is meant to be ‘funny’ – and so it is a kind of string of clichés and stereotypes of working and middle class identities hardly tied together. By far the people who come off the worst in this are the working class characters. Basically, the middle class in the play (it was called Australian Realness, by the way) are not only drunken and angry, they are also basically seeking to tear down Western civilization. The middle class are merely gormless, the working class are too stupid to know the damage they are causing. Chavs no es una reivindicación de lo cani, es una explicación de que esa caricatura es falsa. Que la gente que vive en las ciudades desindustrializadas de Inglaterra no son unos monstruos racistas que solo piensan en drogas y sexo. Que un poco de paseo por esos sitios que despreciamos solo por la imagen que nos dan de ellos en Telecinco nos haría cambiar de opinión y darnos cuenta de que necesitan auxilio, no desdén y condescencia.Sexists in gay armour | Julie Bindel". The Critic (modern magazine). 13 January 2022 . Retrieved 17 October 2023. Turner, Janice (17 October 2023). "Sexist of the self-loving left sinks to a new low". ISSN 0140-0460 . Retrieved 17 October 2023.

One one level, Jones has written a book about how the dread word "chav" came into being and how it has been bandied about without much thought. (The word's origins are unclear: it may derive from the Romany word "chavi", meaning "child", but it is now usually understood as an acronym for "council house and violent".) Jones gives some vivid examples of just how loaded the term has become: there is a popular self-defence course called "chav fighting", run by the fitness company Gymbox. Perhaps predictably, the Daily Telegraph has led the media assault against the chavs, with James Delingpole caricaturing their offspring as "rudderless urchins… downing alcopops and cans of super-strong lager". Time to abolish Oxbridge?". The Oxford Student. 9 June 2011. Archived from the original on 29 October 2013 . Retrieved 18 February 2012.

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Yo amo al Reino Unido, a su magnífico sistema de salud, a su dignidad, a sus artistas, pensadores y vecinos solidarios. El trabajo de Jones me interpela e invita a luchar contra el arribismo y la destrucción de nuestras clases trabajadoras minimizadas en ocupaciones donde sus habilidades son reducidas y su moral devastada. Como en todo libro sobre los vicios neoliberales aparece el ejemplo chileno y no es exagerado ver con claridad cómo las alertas sobre la creciente frivolidad, esnobismo, consumismo desvergonzado, apropiación burguesa de las tradiciones populares, explotación laboral, segregación y nula conciencia de clase, en Chile son realidad. Somos el ejemplo a no seguir.

Chavs: The Demonization of the Working Class is a non-fiction work by the British writer and political commentator Owen Jones, first published in 2011. [2] [3] It discusses stereotypes of sections of the British working class (and the working class as a whole) and use of the pejorative term chav. The book received attention in domestic and international media, including selection by critic Dwight Garner of The New York Times as one of his top 10 non-fiction books of 2011 in the paper's Holiday Gift Guide and being long-listed for the Guardian First Book Award. [4] [5] [6] [7] [8] Dale, Iain (2 October 2012). "Top 100 most influential figures from the Left 2012: 26–50". The Daily Telegraph. London, UK. Archived from the original on 25 September 2013 . Retrieved 19 April 2020. Following the 2017 election, Jones was one of the few media pundits to champion Jeremy Corbyn and in 2020 he chronicled Corbyn's leadership in This Land: The Story of a Movement.Es un libro estupendo para ponerse de muy mala leche, sobre todo porque uno ve los paralelismos (la traición de la socialdemocracia, aquí el PSOE, allí los laboristas), la estúpida pretensión de que para ser más competitivos en industria lo que hay que hacer es destruir la industria, y ver que el aznarato y ahora el gobierno de Rajoy son más de las políticas que se aplicaron 20 años antes en Reino Unido con unos resultados desastrosos. The notes for the play suggested that the writer wanted it to encourage people to think about the nature of class differences in Australia – but really, you can’t achieve critical reflections upon the basis of a series of clichés and stereotypes. Stereotypes reinforce prejudice and stop people thinking. That’s literally their point, to allow us to not have to think about (or know how to respond to) people we press into the stereotype. For me this book is fundamentally dishonest. Poorly researched and heavily biased, Jones lambasts the middle class of which, economically at least, he is part. The rest is indirectly observed and a rant more against the media than support for some working class idyll of which he has no experience. I take this personally. My parents were manual workers at the lowest echelon of that grouping and worked incredibly hard yet my dad was a staunch Tory - he just didn't trust people who used politics to elevate themselves whilst proclaiming to support the very working class they were eager to leave behind. It was a very individual opinion. I have lived amongst the traveller community and experienced its own influence on my kids and the rise of the 'chavi' culture, rather than chav. I wouldn't have written this book as I can't really make any of my experiences so conveniently fit a political agenda. None of the the issues that Jones touches so lightly upon are that simple. You’ve always had distinctions and contradictions within the working class. There’s a difference between rural and urban; there’s a difference between Scottish and English and Welsh; there’s a difference between big cities and small towns; there’s a difference between manufacturing and service; there’s a difference between those who are born here and those who are migrants. There are always these differences within the working class, but it’s far more porous and much less static than people would have believed. The post-1945 settlement was based on the idea that there were social injustices that needed collective solutions. That’s what the welfare state was about. Evans, RichardJ. (2019). Eric Hobsbawm: A Life in History. New York: Oxford University Press. p.642. ISBN 9780190459642.

En cambio, un banquero de la City destruye 7 libras de valor social por cada libra de salario (salarios muy altos). Los ejecutivos publicitarios destruyen 11 libras por libra de salario. Puedes tener un trabajo mal pagado aunque tu contribución sea decisiva. Puedes ganar mucho dinero aunque tu trabajo sea destruir las vidas de otros. Jones' television appearances include Jeremy Vine, Politics Live, Good Morning Britain and University Challenge.Flood, Alison (31 August 2011). "Guardian first book award longlist: fiction takes lead". The Guardian. London. Archived from the original on 3 April 2015 . Retrieved 13 November 2011. Jones, Owen (1 June 2011). "Abolish Oxbridge". Labour List. Archived from the original on 25 April 2012 . Retrieved 10 June 2012. And then you go and spoil it all by doing something stupid like criticising Gordon Brown for calling that bigoted woman 'bigoted'. And by saying that she made 'mild' remarks about immigration. MILD?! Jones doesn't shy away from raising the spectre of class war -- but he makes a strong case for it being a one-sided battle. Far from the working class, or the Left, waging a concerted war, it is the rich and powerful that are engaged in a campaign of class warfare -- to the detriment of our democratic society. Shamefully, the Labour Party has been a willing ally of the wealthy few against the interests and concerns of the many. Jones, who is 26 and has worked as a trade union lobbyist and parliamentary researcher for a Labour MP, begins by looking at the rise of "chav" culture. This, he argues, was created and then mercilessly lampooned by the middle-class, rightwing media and its more combative columnists. The crimes committed by "chavs" included being too loud, too flash, too drunk, too vulgar and, most inexcusable of all, too disrespectful towards their "betters". Somewhere between the rise of New Labour and the start of the current financial recession, the middle classes seemed suddenly surprised and appalled to discover a new "feral underclass" (Simon Heffer) in the place of the old deferential proletariat.