The victim was Robert Bradford, a member of the Ulster Unionist Party and the Vanguard Progressive Unionist Party. Wallace joined the Ministry of Defence on 15 March 1968 as an assistant information officer for the British Army at its Northern Ireland headquarters at Thiepval Barracks in Lisburn.

Several members of that team were also members of the Special Air Service (SAS) or the Intelligence Corps. The Court of Appeal heard that scientific evidence used to convict Wallace was false and that the Home Office pathologist involved in the case admitted that he had received it from an anonymous American security source. A former cadet officer in the Irish Guards, he was commissioned in 1972 into the Ulster Defence Regiment, part of the Regular Army, and was immediately granted the rank of captain. Despite these assurances given by Prior, Judge Hughes made it clear in his report: "The conduct of the police, or elected representatives, or clergymen, or military intelligence or any other persons who may have been in receipt of allegations, information or rumours relating to Kincora or any other home, was not under scrutiny in this Inquiry.Why have elected representatives, including MPs from Northern Ireland itself, been so reluctant to become involved in uncovering the truth? That Inquiry would be led by a retired circuit judge, Judge William Hughes [23] and it was decided that "It will be up to the Inquiry and the eminent judge who will preside over it to examine anything which is relevant to the particular boy's home (Kincora), or to the other five boys' homes, and the circumstances which led up to the problems. Stevens had presided over the Stevens Inquiries into collusion between the security forces and loyalist paramilitaries in the murders of Irish nationalists. Mr Wallace said: "We in the Army were looking at Tara as a paramilitary organisation on the fringe of the conflict from 1970 on. Having spent many years reading dense textbooks at university, my ability to tolerate non-fiction books has vastly diminished.

One of the ghastly aspects of what became known as 'The Kincora Scandal' was that McGrath and [John] McKeague (another Loyalist paramilitary paedophile), as Intelligence assets, were agents of the State.The book is marred slightly by the author's evident biases, which at times lead one to question whether he can have viewed the evidence dispassionately. Facsimile copies of some files were to be made and distributed to overseas newspapers, and the matter was to be raised in Parliament for maximum effect. Well, I can tell him there was a lot of information on Kincora, but people who know about it are dying and files may be destroyed. He also attempted to draw public attention to the Kincora Boys' Home sexual abuse scandal several years before the Royal Ulster Constabulary finally intervened.

On 19 July 1976, the New Statesman published a story by Robert Fisk of The Times and based on Wallace's allegations about the sexual allegations surrounding William McGrath, one of the Kincora staff. Wallace's former boss, Major Tony Staughton, confirmed that by 1973 he had twice recommended Wallace for the MBE, and could not understand how and why the recommendations were turned down. On 21 February 2019, Wallace wrote to the then Secretary of State for Northern Ireland, Karen Bradley MP, and provided her with documentary evidence that three of the official Inquiries into the abuses at Kincora had deliberately misled Parliament. In a letter dated 11 February 1991, the Ministry of Defence said that Wallace's job description contained "sensitive information relating to the security and intelligence matters" and that the provision of such papers, even under the conditions relating to the Committee's access to classified information, "would be inconsistent with the conventions".There was never any suspicion that Wallace was making these stories up or that it was totally unfounded and very easy to rubbish. Wallace's solicitor, Jim Nicol, referred Calcutt's report to the Metropolitan Police Commissioner, on the basis that the conclusions indicated that Security Service officers who manipulated the proceedings had attempted to defraud Wallace. According to one of Craig's people [Craig Smellie, the top MI6 officer in Northern Ireland at the time], some of those involved, the Youngs, the Jacksons, Mulholland, Hanna, Kerr and McConnell were working closely with SB [Special Branch] and Int [Intelligence] at that time. Years later it emerged that he had been cleared to pass the document and the murder conviction was quashed. The black propaganda campaign against Maurice started in 1972, increased the year later when he became Chief of MI6 and was reinforced with a vengeance in 1979 when it became known that he was to be the new Security Supremo for Northern Ireland.