The Friar of Carcassonne: Revolt against the Inquisition in the Last Days of the Cathars

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The Friar of Carcassonne: Revolt against the Inquisition in the Last Days of the Cathars

The Friar of Carcassonne: Revolt against the Inquisition in the Last Days of the Cathars

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Mousnier, Roland (1980). The Institutions of France Under the Absolute Monarchy, 1598–1789: The Organs of State and Society, Volume 2. tr. Arthur Goldhammer. Presses Universitaires de France. According to city records, the Parlement of Toulouse made the city 22,236 livres tournois from sales of property confiscated from those it found guilty of heresy or contumacy from 1562 to 1563. [22] Aftermath [ edit ]

Three French airports cancel flights due to air traffic

The families of the two dead youths, after refusing to meet with Sarkozy, met with Prime Minister Dominique de Villepin. Azouz Begag, delegate minister for the promotion of equal opportunity, criticized Sarkozy for the latter's use of "imprecise, warlike semantics", while Marie-George Buffet, secretary of the French Communist Party, criticized an "unacceptable strategy of tension" and "the not less inexcusable definition of French youth as 'thugs'" ( racaille, a term considered by some to bear implicit racial and ethnic resonances) by the Interior Minister, Sarkozy. Buffet also called for the creation of a parliamentary commission to investigate the circumstances of the death of the two young people, which ignited the riots. [54] State of emergency and measures concerning immigration policy [ edit ] youth protests in France, riots resulting from opposition to a measure set to deregulate labour in France. The Parlement of Paris refused to register the edict, holding that its tendency would increase the number of Protestants. [17] This was the same reaction by many other parts of France when examined by governors and tribunes and it was widely condemned from Catholic pulpits. [17] The idea that the Crown would command that Protestants' personal safety and that of their homes (where they practiced their rites) had to be respected was so new and in such contrast to every royal edict before it, that many rejected it outright. [17]a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q Thompson, James (1909). The Wars of Religion in France 1559 to 1576: The Huguenots, Catherine De Medici and Philip II. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago. Rioting in Vaulx-en-Velin after a young man of Spanish origin was killed in a motorbike crash allegedly caused by police. [3] When the humanist Collège de l'Esquille opened in 1561 with support from city funds, it immediately came under suspicion of spreading Protestantism by the Catholic clergy, members of Parlement, and by members of the pre-existing Dominican theological university (operated by the Catholic Church since 1229). Seeing preaching on Palm Sunday followed by evening prayers in its law school and then people moving about at night to have secret discussions about religion– the outraged Catholic leadership sent some of their notables to act as advisors to the capitouls. [4] The capitouls, annoyed by this interference with their authority, ignored them completely. Catherine de Medici continued to fear that Protestant actions would result in the end of the royal dynasty and began to ally with the Triumvirate. Montomrency proposed that she ask the papal nuncio to ask the Pope for money and troops, but Spain was seen as the major Catholic power at this time and so she bid the Triumvirate to ask King Philip II of Spain for assistance. They did so, sending the request with a letter by Antoine of Navarre professing his Catholic faith. On May 8, the boy King Charles IX formally requested military assistance from Spain, Catholic regions of Switzerland, Catholic regions of Germany, Savoy, the Pope, and Catholic princes of Italy. [13] Insurrection [ edit ] According to statements by Mr. Altun, who remains hospitalized with injuries, a group of ten or so friends had been playing football on a nearby field and were returning home when they saw the police patrol. They all fled in different directions to avoid the lengthy questioning that youths in the housing projects say they often face from the police. They say they are required to present identity papers and can be held as long as four hours at the police station, and sometimes their parents must come before the police will release them. [7]

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Under the terms of the truce an investigation charged 106 people with incitement, six of which were condemned to death. [4] Ignoring the terms of the truce, the Catholic-dominated Parlement interfered, pardoning all the condemned Catholics, so the only people executed for the riot were four Reformed members hung on April 11 at the four corners of the Place Saint-Georges. [4] The body of the woman over which the riot had begun, had been buried in a Catholic cemetery by priests who helped seize it. [11] Soon after, Parlement began inquires on the events. [26] Those Protestants that constables had managed to bring to prisons alive were summarily judged by the Parlement and found guilty of capital offenses [1] save for a handful of cases. [26] Investigations soon expanded to seek out those who might have secretly supported the coup and those who might be secret heretics. [23] Between two [26] and three hundred [23] were publicly executed for heresy and the town's provost Captain Saux (a leading Reformed Church member whom had survived the riots) was quartered. [4] [23] [26] Another four hundred were executed for contumacy. [23] Around two hundred were burnt in effigy. [4] In the end nearly a thousand people were investigated by the Parlement. [4] a b "Emeutes de 2005: cinq ans de prison pour l'agresseur de Le Chenadec". Le Parisien. 20 April 2015 . Retrieved 20 April 2015.Catholic suspicion over Protestant loyalty to France was heightened when staunchly Catholic Blaise de Lasseran-Massencôme, seigneur de Montluc arrived in Bordeaux in December 1561 to share the royal lieutenancy of Guyenne with Charles de Coucis, seigneur de Burie. There he discovered that the Reformed Churches in Guyenne had adapted the church structure of synods, colloquies, and consistories to build a Protestant military organization (Gueyenne had been divided into seven colloquies, where each church within it had its own military captain). [20] Monluc was offered a bribe of 40,000 écus to not oppose them. [20] Two chefs-général or "protectors" had been elected for each of the areas of the parlements of Bordeaux and Toulouse. There were fears that this organization was a planned attempt to turn Guyenne into a republic modeled after Geneva. [20] Chrisafis, Angelique (13 October 2012). "French teens electrocution case linked to 2005 riots reopens".



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