You’ll be greeted by our friendly bar staff and party the night away with like-minded fun-loving people. Partini and Mattioli’s consultations reveal their steady will to investigate, study in depth and call into question the written medical tradition. This tendency contributed to fertilising a terrain on which other medical disciplines, such as physiology and chemistry, thereafter developed. From this perspective, ‘Galenism’ could be renewed thanks to the use of the senses too. If we read Partini and Mattioli’s advice in their eyes, we will be able to understand how the physicians of the time treated diseases: they acted with determination before diseases, carefully pondering on remedies; their therapeutic choices were adequate (though not always effective) and had their reason for being. The woman suffered from acrimonious catarrh whose formation, in Partini’s view, was favoured by her physical complexion, warm and moist. All body parts tended to be hot, and at a certain point, the heat had started to increase due to the overheating of the liver. The heat, in turn, was produced by the fatty foods eaten by the lady and typical of the Tyrol area. The vapour coming from the warm liver had then reached the head, which, being hot, had produced more warm vapour, which was causing the formation of catarrh (‘pituita’). An excessive amount of this humour in the brain, combined with the heat, could not be entirely retained by the head, and therefore reached the respiratory tract, causing violent cough. 88 Furthermore, the pituitous humour would reach the stomach and, being altered, superabundant and mingled with yellow bile (‘cholera’), it would cause humour and food vomit. 89 The patient expectorated humours and blood, which, according to Partini, came from the chest. The blood was caused by the erosion of the respiratory tract, which was in turn damaged by the biting humours. 90 Due to the presence of blood sputum, the physician feared that it could be consumption (‘tabes’). 91 In particular, there was the risk that the disease might degenerate into that kind of disease called ‘Ptissia’, 92 a term that indicated a pathology affecting the lungs.

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Est praeterea huius loci Aer valde inaequalis. Namque saepe accidit, ut una, et eadem die, immo aliquando una et eadem hora incalescat, et rifrigescat maxime. Id quod non solum corpora, et membra malis obnoxia destruit, sed, et sana, et robusta non parum afficit. 126 As mentioned above, the sixteenth-century medical practice involved the making of the senses by learned physicians, who generally followed Da Monte’s approach. 16 Sensory examination is a complex issue, and deserves further consideration: to what extent did physicians resort to their senses? Which senses were specifically used and for what purposes?

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Touch, taste, smell and sight were all involved in uroscopy. As noted above, this practice was extensively adopted and can be defined as a diagnostic tool in its own right. Firstly, it is to note that sensory perception by physicians was influenced by patients, on whose accounts many practitioners based their diagnoses (for instance, the pain felt or the sensation of hot/cold perceived). 17 As we will see below, this aspect could even limit the use of the senses by physicians. Secondly, the influence of the deeply felt notion of decency around the body, especially with regard to the female one, prevented physicians from laying hands on the patients’ body. More importantly, many historians have assumed that the prevailing disease theories—and those of humoral pathology in particular—could make a physical examination largely irrelevant. 18 Actually, as I will show, university-trained practitioners made great efforts to combine an attentive observation of the bodily signs with a doctrinal level. On the one hand, Francesco Partini and Pietro Andrea Mattioli attributed great epistemological value to the sensory signs of disease. By means of sight, smell, taste and touch, they described in detail the outside appearance of their patients (face, eyes, tongue, skin, excretions), as well as the signs of their weakness or strength. Such an accurate observation served the purpose of orientating the diagnosis or confirming it and allowed physicians to identify more precisely the affected body part: not only a general region (such as the abdomen or the chest) but a more circumscribed zone (such as the stomach, the kidneys, the upper respiratory tract or the lungs). This delicious twist on a martini is made with just three ingredients and takes minutes to make. The bergamot oil in the Earl Grey gives a lovely citrus hit And later in the text: ‘After considering purgative medicines, let us look at medicines which alter and soothe’. 118

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Complimentary child care is available through a stipend. Please reach out to [email protected] for availability and details. In closing, medical practice required a great ability to find a balance between theoretical and empirical levels to fulfil a factual purpose, the patient’s recovery. Empirical data were supposed to have epistemological value themselves but were interpreted within a context in which the study of the ancient and medieval medical literature remained open to new elements and interpretations. In this context, data driving from observation could be used to better comprehend, further explore and even enrich Galenic doctrines. As flexible and adaptable, these latter were steadily being discussed, and the diagnostic process based on empirical observation could urge physicians to make new inventive interpretations of them. Partini’s collection can be considered to be a typical product of the habit of keeping medical notes in the sixteenth century. As Hannah Murphy has stressed, at least as early as the fourteenth century, physicians kept manuscript records of medical cases, particularly unusual cases. 43 Thereafter, especially in the second half of the sixteenth century, the practice of keeping medical records—recipes and remedies used, outcome of the cases—further spread among learned physicians. 44 Manuscripts that detailed series of medical consultations were not unusual for instance among English practitioners, such as the aforementioned Simon Forman. 45

As cursorily mentioned above, at the beginning of their encounters with physician, patients provided basic information about their ailments, illustrated their symptoms, and tried to explain what they felt and observed going on within their bodies. 136 In turn, physicians paid great attention to the patients’ narratives and to this end, relied on the sense of hearing. After listening to the patients’ reports, they began to conduct a sensory examination, which was primarily meant as the identification and description of sensory signs of disease leading to medical diagnosis. For this purpose, the sense of hearing was only rarely used (physicians might for instance describe the sound of cough), whereas sight seems to have played an overriding role. The visual characteristics of the body, in particular the external appearance of the skin, face, and eyes, mucus, urines and faeces were described in detail. Exactly through such a rich description, Mattioli and Partini were able to sketch out a first diagnostic hypothesis. Albeit less frequently mentioned, taste, touch and smell also contributed to recognising the sensory data of disease. Margaret’s catarrh was for instance described as being respectively pungent, slimy and wet, and stinking. This information alone could not however provide a sufficiently revealing clue to a plausible diagnosis and had to be integrated with the visual features of the catarrhal fluid. After Cles’s death, in 1541, Mattioli became town physician in Gorizia, in the county inherited by the Habsburgs at the beginning of the century. 28 In early 1555 he moved to the Prague court to work as the personal physician to Ferdinand, the second son of Emperor Ferdinand I, Archduke of Austria and Governor of Bohemia. 29 Later on, in 1562, Emperor Maximilian II granted Mattioli a noble title. 30 Opinions by ancient and medieval auctoritates could be belied too. For instance, according to Mattioli, the causa efficiens of Bohuslav’s ‘morbus nephriticus’ was represented by the kidneys’ affected capacity to eliminate fatty material, together with the violent heat they contained, which converted humours into sand. 155 This version was not in line with Aëtius of Amida’s thinking, according to which the functional cause ‘huiusmodi affectus’ (‘of the disease of this kind’) corresponded to frequent indigestion. In the Byzantine physician’s view, kidney stones developed when the food ingested, which had not been assimilated by the body, formed small stones in the kidneys. Instead, Mattioli believed that the obese constitution of the boy demonstrated ipso facto that the corrupted humours deriving from the foods he had eaten were digested and absorbed by the body. The causa efficiens, then went on Mattioli, was not indigestion itself but rather kidney overheating. 156 Concluding Remarks As Hannah Murphy has recently remarked, the Collegium medicum of learned municipal physicians founded in Nuremberg in 1592 based its identity on Galenic medicine. The reformation of medicine it undertook was heavily shaped on a conservative Galenic movement, but at the same time, it gave form to the turn to empiricism as a foundation for medical epistemology. 141 Such an epistemological combination was possible by virtue of the fact that the so-called Galenism was actually a system of doctrines susceptible to embracing relatively new concepts and methods, and exactly such fluidity was one of the peculiar features of Galenic medicine in the early-modern period. Partini and Mattioli’s medical practice was also characterised by both a strong continuity relationship with the past and an attitude to attach great importance to empirical data. What Partini and Mattioli observed and perceived was largely informed by the written medical tradition and, as university-trained physicians, they extensively relied on its theories to make sense of the patients’ diseases. The concepts adopted by both physicians and the terms used to express them prove that the Hippocratic–Galenic humoral theory and pathology, considered as fundamental by sixteenth-century academic medicine, framed the way in which they interpreted the data perceived by their senses.

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There are many studies about Mattioli and they all agree on the innovative scope of his research activity on vegetable species and medicinal plants, as well as simples and medical drugs. His reputation is mainly connected with his Discorsi sopra la materia medica by the Greek naturalist Pedanius Dioscorides, first published in Venice in 1544. This botanical–pharmaceutical work appeared in numerous versions in Italian and Latin and, with the financial support of the Habsburg family, was translated into Czech and German. 31 Furthermore, Mattioli started developing a concept of ars medica in which various scientific currents intertwined: Galenism, Medieval bequests of the Arab culture, empiricism, and the new methods of anatomical and botanical observation, Paracelsianism and alchemy. 32 In fact, while working for Bernardo Cles, Mattioli tried to introduce various chemical substances of mineral origin into the apothecary shops in Trent for therapeutic purposes, substances that were still unknown to the other Italian apothecaries. 33 Imagine drinking a Christmas cake – this martini is how it would taste. With bourbon and cherry brandy, plus a dried fruit syrup, it’s an indulgent festive drink Let us now analyse three handwritten medical consultations by Mattioli and Partini. The consilia analysed below represent some of the most comprehensive examples of Mattioli and Partini’s ordinary medical practice and can be considered as cases in point of the learned medical practice performed by long-experienced and highly qualified court physicians. According to the physician from Siena, fatty material built up in the kidneys because their capacity to filter and expel it was affected by overheating. The violent heat present in the kidneys attracted the raw, slimy material contained in the kidney blood, agglutinated it, and ‘roasted’ it, transforming it into sand and stones. 75 Bohuslav’s kidneys might have been naturally inclined to a warm quality or the heat might have been caused by external factors, such as excessive physical activity, fatigue due to horse riding, summer heat, or the consumption of food and medicines that overheated the body. 76 In turn, the toxic, fatty material, which could cause the formation of stones, was produced by the ingestion of certain foods. 77Partini’s collection contains two kinds of texts, according to their author: consultations carried out by Partini himself, and recommendations formulated by other physicians on Partini’s request and then transcribed by the latter in his notebook. The plurality of the authors in Partini’s register makes it similar to the notebooks compiled by the above-mentioned Georg Handsch. This latter used to report the opinions of his mentors Mattioli and Gallo related to the clinical cases he was treating. 47 The consultations produced by Partini’s colleagues—9 out of 80 consultations in all—are either complete consilia (structured into the description of symptoms and signs, the recognition of the type of humoral imbalance, diagnosis and prescription of a therapeutic regimen) or replies to a specific question asked by Partini himself. He summoned particularly qualified colleagues: in fact, it was probably the high socio-political rank of his patients that induced Partini to request help from long-experienced physicians, such as Giovanni Battista Da Monte, Giulio Alessandrini and Francesco Frigimelica. 48 Partini became the personal physicus of Ferdinand I’s son, Maximilian, King of Bohemia and future Emperor in 1557. He managed to obtain this prestigious role thanks to his friendship with Mattioli and the imperial physician Giulio Alessandrini (1506–90). 36 Like Mattioli, Partini was granted a noble title with an imperial diploma from 1561. 37 Nevertheless, with his 80 extensive consilia, Partini’s collection turns out to be an exceptional source for historians, at least with regard to the Italian scene. In fact, collections of handwritten medical consultations, which comprise such a large number of cases investigated in depth, have not hitherto come to light. Arguably, only few examples have so far survived, currently buried in archival repositories and not studied yet. As regards the rest of the European continent, I have already noted that some records—Finzel’s practice journal, Forman’s casebooks and Handsch medical notes—have been found out and researched. However, most of Finzel’s notes are short entries; though being a learned man, Forman was not a university-trained physician and his was primarily an astrological practice; as far as Handsch is concerned, he especially recorded those cases that roused his interest.

PARTINI — WOMEN IN ARCHITECTURE PARTINI — WOMEN IN ARCHITECTURE

How to make rich sugar syrup: In a small pan, dissolve 300g caster sugar in 150ml water over a gentle heat. Bring to the boil, then cool and store in a clean bottle/jar in the fridge for up to 2 weeks. Take the martini to the next level by combining it with the wonderful flavour of lychee. Serve in a martini glass and garnish with rose petals for the wow factor The mix of theatre (in the serving of two separate drinks) and the eye-catching name shows why it’s such a hit. Just don’t ask us what to do with the fizz! Although Partini’s consultations offer the opportunity to investigate further particular aspects, they attest to what was typical of the early-modern practice. There is nothing in Partini’s register that suggests that his practical activity was different from the practica of other contemporary learned physicians. Indeed, Partini’s practice was very similar to Da Monte’s. Such similarity between Partini’s and Da Monte’s medical practice does not contradict the differences existing between handwritten and published case histories illustrated above and regarding the author’s scope and style. Though being in print, Da Monte’s Consultationes originally consisted in the notes taken by his students for private use. Successively, although such transcripts were probably reworked for publication, they reflected what Da Monte’s pupils had learned from their teacher. Therefore, even the cases that concluded with the death of the patient were worth being written down. In fact, those cases could teach something useful on diagnosis, albeit they did not coincide with successful cures.As far as Mattioli’s consilia are concerned, the range of choice was limited, since, as mentioned above, only a few consilia in a strict sense have survived. Among them, I will present two consultations that can illustrate Mattioli’s medical practice in great detail (cases a, c). The second one is a joint consilium, which Mattioli drafted together with other two physicians. As for Partini, the situation is slightly different. Since he compiled 80 consilia, I have been offered the opportunity to look at them as a whole series of consultations and analyse them from a comparative perspective. However, such a task does not correspond to this article’s aim, not to mention that it would require a separate piece of research. Rather, I will focus only on one of Partini’s consultations (case b), which is however one of his most extensive consilia in terms of body examination and hence allows us to study Partini’s diagnostic process better than the other ones. For most of his patients, Partini noted down personal details such as profession and social status; if it was relevant to the diagnosis itself, he added the age of the patient, defining it exactly or approximately. Among the historical figures who relied on Partini’s health care service, it is worth mentioning: Barons Cristoforo and Nicolò Madruzzo; 52 the latter’s first wife, Helena von Lamberg, Countess of Styria; 53 Nicolò’s second wife, Geraldina d’Arco; 54 Prince-Bishop Bernardo Cles, Cristoforo Madruzzo’s predecessor; 55 Count Sigismondo d’Arco and Vinciguerra d’Arco’s wife, Margaret; 56 a notable from the County of Flavon; 57 the daughter of Emperor Ferdinand I, Margaret, Archduchess of Austria; 58 a relative of Baron Otto Truchsess von Waldburg. 59 The latter, one of the most influential members of the Habsburg court, was the dean of the cathedral of Trent, and later Bishop and Cardinal of Augsburg. Mattioli and Partini’s Consilia While writing the consultation, Partini wondered what the exact origin of the blood could be: if the blood had come from the trachea, the woman would have felt pain in that area, and a smaller quantity of blood would have been expectorated. But Margaret did not complain about chest pain, nor did she expectorate a small amount of catarrh. Hence, the physician assumed that the blood had invaded her lungs, but he did not have concrete evidence to prove it indisputably. The fact that he required more empirical information to validate his hypothesis is important from a methodological point of view, since it means that a sort of ‘demonstration’ was relevant to Partini. Furthermore, Partini attempted to identify a specific organ as being responsible for the expectorated blood, whereas, in a similar case related to the ‘sputum sanguinis ex pectore vel pulmone’, and treated by Taddeo Alderotti, the origin of the pathology was only approximately identified. Alderotti stated that blood could come either from the lungs or from the respiratory tract, 93 but he did not give any importance to this question and did not say any other word on it. A methodological difference also emerges between Partini’s approach and Antonio Cermisone’s one, another authoritative writer of consilia medica, and professor of medicine in the Studium of Padua from 1413 up to 1441, the year of his death. 94 Cermisone was active as a physician more than a century after Alderotti, and a century before Partini. Cermisone was not concerned with the origin of the pathology. At the beginning of one of his consultations, written for a patient suffering from a headache, the physician stated that the migraine could be engendered by the stomach’s vapours and/or the excessive heat of the kidneys, which went up towards the head and penetrated it causing pain. Further on in the text, Cermisone seemed to change his mind, stating that the altered spleen could also be the cause of the disease. 95 It is apparent that he did not consider the causes of the disease to be relevant to the diagnosis and therapy. Other similar medical instruments, such as the pulse-taking technique, the survey of the warmth of the skin and the exploration of the abdomen, were practiced. 138 However, Mattioli and Partini hardly ever made reference to such practices or, at most, mentioned them cursorily. This aspect can be explained by the fact that, if the physicians regarded some sensory information as not sufficiently revealing, they did not take a note of it. Taken individually, the aforementioned medical gestures were not probably sufficient to precisely diagnose and needed to be underpinned by other more striking signs, like a ‘nauseating odour’. As far as Mattioli’s medical practice is concerned, his hands-on experience is particularly noteworthy, since he has been always invoked by historians as an author of botanical–pharmaceutical treatises. Actually, he also attended to the health of real patients, identifying the specific causes of their diseases and choosing the therapeutic approach that was best suited to fight these causes.