provinces, 1 autonomous province (Gorno-Badakhshan) and a zone of direct central rule (Districts of Republican Subordination). To ensure Scotland and Wales have, with Northern Ireland and the cities and regions of England, a permanent voice not just in the House of Commons but in a reformed second chamber, an Assembly of the Nations and Regions, charged with safeguarding the institutions of self-government; More recently, mayoral combined authorities have also led on the development of Local Industrial Strategies, (whereas in areas without directly elected mayors these have been led by Local Enterprise Partnerships. Eg In 1972, the UK government suspended the Northern Ireland Parliament at Stormont and replaced it by direct rule from the Westminster Parliament. The Northwest Territories (NWT) was governed from Ottawa from 1870 until the 1970s, except for the brief period between 1898 and 1905 when it was governed by an elected assembly. The Carrothers Commission was established in April 1963 by the government of Lester B. Pearson to examine the development of government in the NWT. It conducted surveys of opinion in the NWT in 1965 and 1966 and reported in 1966. Major recommendations included that the seat of government should be located in the territory. Yellowknife was selected as the territorial capital as a result. Transfer of many responsibilities from the federal government was recommended and carried out. This included responsibility for education, small business, public works, social services and local government. Since the report, the government of Northwest Territories has taken over responsibilities for several other programs and services including the delivery of health care, social services, education, administration of airports, and forestry management. The legislative jurisdiction of the territorial legislature is set out in section 16 of the Northwest Territories Act.

The UK needs a radically reformed suite of place-based, innovation-led R&D programmes, with Mayors and local leaders in all parts of the UK playing a key role in design and delivery. This should include the replacement for EU regional funding, and future support for the Strength in Places Fund. This is a vicious circle. The more we lag behind economically the more people feel abandoned by an unresponsive system of government. So what is bad for our economy is also bad for our democracy. They undermine the well-documented desire for national unity and people’s desire to feel they are part of something bigger than just themselves – part of a common endeavour and ‘in this together’. The Change Britain Needs The Bill allows for non-constituent members be drawn from a wider pool than just district councils, as other local organisations such as universities or business groups could be given non-constituent member status. The Bill also includes provision for associate members, who are individuals appointed to the CCA. Associate members are also by default non-voting members of the CCA. But the way our country is run is preventing us from making the changes we need for that better future. A Country of PotentialThere are multiple routes to establishing a combined authority. Under the original procedure from the Local Democracy, Economic Development and Construction Act 2009, a council or group of councils may carry out a ‘governance review’, which must publish a ‘scheme’ recommending the creation of a combined authority. Publication of the scheme requires the consent of the local authority areas included in the scheme. The Secretary of State may then agree to create a combined authority via secondary legislation. Devolution, federalism and a new constitution for the UK". Public Law for Everyone. 2014-01-08 . Retrieved 2019-02-22. The Scotland and Wales Acts also state that the UK Parliament cannot abolish the devolved institutions without first obtaining approval in the territories involved via a referendum. This stipulation reflects the fact that the introduction of devolution followed approval in referendums. Nevertheless, under the doctrine of parliamentary sovereignty, these provisions could in theory be repealed or replaced. This gives UK devolution a weaker basis than, for instance, the territorial systems of Germany or the United States, where federal and state powers are defined and secured by constitutional law that cannot so easily be overridden. Territory legislation can be disallowed by the Commonwealth Parliament in Canberra, with one notable example being the NT's short-lived voluntary euthanasia legislation. Our first recommendations, therefore, seek to embed in law these common understandings and duties of Government:

Enhanced powers: new powers should be made available to the Senedd and Welsh Governments, including embarking upon new powers over youth justice and the probation service. The Spanish Constitution of 1978 granted autonomy to the nationalities and regions of which the Kingdom of Spain is composed. (See also autonomous communities and cities of Spain) Another concern has been the inconsistency of devolution. For instance, at the outset of devolution in 1999, the powers devolved to Scotland were significantly more extensive than those devolved to Wales. This gap has narrowed subsequently. The gap is most pronounced when considering the difference between the devolved systems in Wales, Scotland and Northern Ireland, and the position in England. Where devolution exists, it is less extensive in England, and parts of England have no devolution at all. Some voices within England have called for an extension of powers: Greater Manchester’s mayor, Andy Burnham, for example, has called for more powers, including the ability to bring under his control Greater Manchester’s transport system. So to ensure Britain can enjoy the system of government it deserves, we need radical change. In this report we set out a vision of a New Britain founded on a new relationship between our government, our communities, and the people. Devolution was not an entirely new phenomenon: a devolved parliament and government had been set up for Northern Ireland by the Government of Ireland Act 1920. However, these arrangements were suspended in 1972. This aside, before devolution in 1998, England, Scotland and Wales had for a long time been run by a central UK government, based in London. During this time, the UK possessed many of the features of a ‘unitary state’ – where a territory is governed from the centre by a single government and Parliament. This changed with devolution.

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Over time the territorial government exercised expanded functions. Relevant developments include the following: