Bonds of War: How Civil War Financial Agents Sold the World on the Union (Civil War America)

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Bonds of War: How Civil War Financial Agents Sold the World on the Union (Civil War America)

Bonds of War: How Civil War Financial Agents Sold the World on the Union (Civil War America)

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The legal basis for the refusal of the US Treasury to redeem in gold was the gold clause resolution (Pub. Res. 73–10), dated June 5, 1933. [21] The Supreme Court later held this to be unconstitutional under section 4 of the Fourteenth Amendment: [22] Dretske’s excellent collective biography of five immigrant soldiers is a valuable addition to our understanding of why recently arrived migrants fought for the Union. Though motivated in part by a sense of gratitude to their new country, this book highlights the importance of local communities, and the relationships that immigrants formed there, in encouraging them to participate in America’s bloodiest war.”— David T. Gleeson, author of The Green and the Gray: The Irish in the Confederate States of America The People Power movement had other ideas. In February 1986, after Marcos claimed he won reelection handily, Filipinos occupied the streets of Manila with nonviolent protests, forcing the United States to finally distance itself from Marcos. Richard Nixon and his family at Manila International Airport with Ferdinand Marcos and his family. (White House) Walt Disney Studios (1941). "All Together". archive.org. National Film Board of Canada . Retrieved 23 January 2020. We must be willing to give up something of personal convenience, something of personal comfort, something of our treasure – all, if necessary, and our lives in the bargain, to support our noble sons who go out to die for us."

George Osborne, the chancellor, said: “The fact that we will no longer have to pay the high rate of interest on these gilts means that, most important of all, today’s decision represents great value for money for the taxpayer. We will go on working through our plan that is gripping the public finances and delivering a brighter economic future.” The concept of war bonds was born in the United States leading up to World War I, when the U.S. government needed money to pay for its potential involvement in the conflict. In April of 1917, Congress passed the First Liberty Bond Act, and soon after the U.S. Treasury began issuing war bonds. The government funded American involvement in WWI through taxation and borrowing from the American people, and it ran several highly successful campaigns selling bonds to the public. Posters and other advertisements encouraged all Americans to buy Liberty Bonds as a patriotic act, and those who did so received red, white, and blue buttons declaring “I Own A Liberty Bond.” Any great war must necessarily be a popular movement. It is a kind of crusade; and like all crusades, it sweeps along on a powerful stream of romanticism." Olney, Laurence M. (1971). The War Bond Story (PDF). United States Dept of the Treasury. p.54. ISBN 9781341677878. A common consensus was that more needed to be done to sell the bonds to small investors and the common man, rather than large concerns. The poor reception of the first issue resulted in a convertible re-issue five months later at the higher interest rate of 4% and with more favorable tax terms. When the new issue arrived it also sold below par, although the Times noted that "no Government bonds can sell at par except temporarily and by accident." [4] The subsequent 4.25% bond priced as low as 94 cents upon arrival. [5]A liberty bond (or liberty loan) was a war bond that was sold in the United States to support the Allied cause in World War I. Subscribing to the bonds became a symbol of patriotic duty in the United States and introduced the idea of financial securities to many citizens for the first time.

Published: September 2022 Arguing until Doomsday Stephen Douglas, Jefferson Davis, and the Struggle for American Democracy As debates raged in the United States between anti-imperialists and war hawks over the necessity of empire, the war carried on until 1913. Over seventy thousand army troops were deployed to the Philippines by November 1899 with instructions to use “overwhelming force.” US officials, new to overseas conquest but very familiar with suppressing domestic insurgencies, analogized the conflict to the Native wars in the American West.

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Ukraine to sell 'war bonds' to fund armed forces". BBC News. 1 March 2022 . Retrieved 1 March 2022. How did the United States pay for the Civil War? Financier Jay Cooke helped save the Union and bring confidence to businesses, governments, and citizens rich and poor in the U.S. and in many countries throughout the world especially in Europe. According to David Thomson, Cooke and his traveling agents depended a great deal on International bond sales. Funding a war is no easy feat and often requires tons of money. Oftentimes, governments may call on investors in a bid to secure money for war efforts by issuing war bonds. This article seeks to examine what war bonds are, how they came about, and the advantages and disadvantages associated with them. War Bonds: Meaning

In 1936, as the Great Depression overwhelmed the world and the threat of global war loomed, the United States aimed to build up military forces in the Philippines, its colony since 1898. Two years earlier, the United States had placed the Philippines on a ten-year path to independence under the Tydings-McDuffie Act. But independence demanded a Filipino, not US, army to defend the nation. The Americans expected to conscript ten thousand Filipinos for service in the Philippine Army, enticing them with the promise of a job. Chase, Philip M. (2008). William Gibbs McAdoo: The Last Progressive, (1863--1941). p.130ff. ISBN 9780549982326. In the 1906 Bud Dajo and 1913 Bud Bagsak massacres, hundreds of Muslim minority Moros (men, women, and children) were killed by Philippine Scouts (some of them Moros too) because the US military feared they were “plotting the slaughter of Americans.” Army officials decried the Scouts’ excesses at Bud Bagsak, while patronizingly upholding Filipinos’ qualifications for military service — Filipinos had to run their own nation, they self-servingly claimed. Series E and EE bonds can be redeemed 12 months after they are issued, but you’ll get the most money out of them if you wait a few years. You’ll lose the last three months of interest if you redeem an EE bond before you’ve held it for five years; otherwise, the bond will earn interest for as long as 30 years. The U.S. Department of the Treasury does offer some special provisions for cashing in bonds if you have been affected by a natural disaster.In 1965, Ferdinand Marcos assumed the presidency of the Philippines, promising a “better life for the people” lest the Philippines become “the Vietnam of the 1970s.” His notoriously corrupt rule sparked student protests, high inflation, and calls for his removal from power. Marcos answered demonstrations with martial law in in 1972, ostensibly to prevent crime and revolutionary unrest. Marcos then purged the military, dissolved the legislature, and arrested his opponents. The United States, which depended on the Philippines’ military bases, raised no objections. Apart from the American government, countries like Austria, Hungary, Canada, the United Kingdom and Germany each issued war bonds. In the United Kingdom, the National Savings Movement was instrumental in raising funds for the war effort during both world wars. During World War II a War Savings Campaign was set up by the War Office to support the war effort. Local savings weeks were held which were promoted with posters with titles such as "Lend to Defend the Right to Be Free", "Save Your Way to Victory" and "War Savings Are Warships". This elaborate effort was conducted by a home-grown propaganda ministry called the “Committee on Public Information.” The propaganda campaign was essential, not just to sell bonds, but to sell the war. Public sentiment before 1917 was not only against American involvement in the war, but it was not even united on which European military to root for. Running for reelection in 1916, Wilson had adopted the campaign slogan “He kept us out of war,” and he pushed his argument for noninvolvement relentlessly. Wilson’s Republican opponent, Charles Evans Hughes, was also for peace. So, not surprisingly, his administration needed a major campaign to persuade the public of the necessity and the legitimacy of military action against Germany. This was a challenge because American involvement was not predicated on a desire for territory or revenge but on an intangible ideal. When asking for war on April 2, 1917, Wilson framed the war’s objective: “The world must be made safe for democracy.” When the United States entered World War I in 1917, it became immediately evident that an unprecedented effort would be required to divert the nation’s industrial capacity away from meeting consumer demand and toward fulfilling the needs of the military. At the time of the congressional declaration of war, the American economy was operating at full capacity, so the requirements of the war effort could not be met by putting underutilized resources to work. The wartime population would have to sacrifice to pay the bill, and McAdoo understood the point. Shortly after war had been declared, he delivered a speech that he later recorded for posterity:

For Filipinos in the United States, the war on terror solidified longstanding connections between “American patriotism and military service” that made them “evocative symbols both of Filipino Americans’ loyalties and the American government’s broken promises.” In the Philippines, however, those symbols currently echo in the dictatorship of Rodrigo Duterte, a former member of the People Power revolution whose anti-American statements resonate with Filipinos, but who refuses to cancel military agreements that keep US troops in his country. A fascinating foray into the world of Civil War finance and the beginnings of modern America's financial markets."— HistoryNet The first three Liberty bonds, and the Victory Loan, were retired during the course of the 1920s. However, because the terms of the bonds allowed them to be traded for the later bonds which had superior terms, most of the debt from the first, second, and third Liberty bonds was rolled into the fourth issue. The Naturalization Act of 1918 allowed “Filipino veterans with three years of service” to become US citizens, and the Immigration Acts of 1917 and 1924 exempted Filipinos from bans on Asian immigration. These new laws, and the demand for cheaper labor in the United States, placed Filipinos in a purgatory between citizen and alien. Occupying this middle ground allowed them to labor in Alaska fisheries, California farm fields and restaurants, and Washington State restaurants for “as long as you like,” recalled one migrant. “A Virtual Nullification of Philippine Independence”

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For the task of molding public opinion, Wilson turned to an investigative journalist, George Creel, who staffed the Committee on Public Information with psychologists, fellow journalists, artists, and advertising designers. The committee developed many of the techniques now associated with modern advertising. The magazine illustrator Howard Chandler Christy drew Liberty as an attractive young woman dressed in a see-through gown cheering on the troops. The man now regarded as the “father of public relations,” Edward Bernays, also worked for Creel, pioneering the techniques of manipulating and managing public opinion based on the theories of mass psychology. The committee appealed to innate motives: the competitive (which city would buy the most bonds), the familial (“My daddy bought a bond. Did yours?”), guilt (“If you can’t enlist, invest”), fear (“Keep German bombs out of your home”), revenge (“Swat the Brutes with Liberty Bonds”), social image (“Where is your Liberty Bond button?”), gregariousness (“Now! All together”), the impulse to follow the leader (President Wilson and Secretary McAdoo), herd instincts, maternal instincts, and – yes – sex. Bernays’s uncle was Sigmund Freud.



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