After his tribunal hearing, Wallace wrote to his former boss at British Army HQ in Northern Ireland. The letter referred to “homosexual prostitution at a children’s home in Belfast”. The relevant extract reads as follows: John Hume was the victim of a campaign of character assassination in the early 1970s perpetrated by British spies. It was spearheaded by the IRD’s Hugh Mooney. John Hume.

She said Rwanda remains "central" to the government's promise to stop Channel crossings and "both are saying it is part of the plan, it is not all of the plan". The PsyOps unit had acquired a significant amount of additional information about TARA”. They were “aware that a number of prominent TARA members were closely linked with the Rev Ian Paisley”. These included James Heyburn, Secretary of Paisley’s church; Hubert Nesbitt, who provided the land on which Paisley’s church was built; and David Brown, Deputy Editor of ‘Paisley’s Protestant Telegraph. “We also had information alleging that serving members of the RUC not only attended TARA meetings, but also were involved in the running of the organisation. There were indications that McGrath was obtaining Intelligence information from the RUC on Republicans and there were even claims that RUC stations in East Belfast had supplied Tara with firearms which had been surrendered to the police by members of the public. I do not know how reliable the latter information was, but it was sufficient to make the Army very wary of the RUC when dealing with TARA-related information. Shortly after the briefing, Col Tugwell left Army HQ NI to take up a posting to Tehran. Colin Wallace was given a copy of the transcript made by The Sunday Times of their discussion with Hammond. Wallace was alarmed by what he read. He told Col Tugwell’s successor, Col Hutton, that if the transcript was published in full, it would expose Hammond as the source of the story and his life would be in danger. Col Hutton agreed and asked Mooney to convey the Army’s concerns to Chris Ryder and Paul Eddy. Cameron made his move in early 1975 after Wallace sent some papers to Fisk. Crucially, Wallace had done so – as he had always done – within the terms of his job specification.Lewis was found in a river. The propeller of a boat owned by a fisherman who found him fractured his skull. This fact was withheld from the jury. Instead it was alleged Wallace had fractured his skull. Wallace has also revealed that it “was later made clear to me by a totally reliable source that the ‘leaks’ allegations were just a means of having me removed from the Province because the NIO – particularly MI5 – wanted to take full control of the so-called information war. In effect this is what happened!”.

The document referred to McGrath and a number of his associates including James Molyneaux MP (discussed in more detail later in this article). Molyneaux led the dominant Ulster Unionist Party (UUP), between 1979 and 1995. He was a friend of McGrath. Molyneaux was also sexually interested in young men. Molyneaux was well known not only to McGrath but to other members of TARA. When one young member left the organisation, Molyneaux had made inquiries to find out why he had departed from it. Eventually it became impossible to cover-up the many wrongs occasioned to Wallace and the Calcutt Inquiry was set up. It probed the corruption of the disciplinary procedure against Wallace in 1975. David Calcutt QC behaved honourably. He discovered – and reported – that the process had been corrupted by smears and lies. PROOF OF WALLACE’S DUAL ROLE – THE 1973 TARA PRESS BRIEFING The 1973 press briefing about William McGrath and TARA. Fisk was harassed by British authorities after Wallace passed certain ‘restricted’ documents to him. ‘Restricted’ was the lowest level designation for these types of documents. These particular papers did not relate to Kincora, Tara nor McGrath. Hart was also provided with documents which the intelligence services had forged in decades gone by and was unable to detect their deceitful nature.

Gregg Wallace fans rush to MasterChef judge's side after death of his father-in-law

But the distraction operation was a success: The Sunday Times reporters had spent weeks focusing on the embezzlement story instead of researching the MRF shooting incident. Moreover, the IRA was thrown into turmoil. Mooney and others would go on to smear an array of British Labour MPs, union officials and other left-wing groups. The victims included PM Harold Wilson, Deputy PM Ed Short and Tony Benn. It was now time to bring Hammond into play. He was placed in the path of the reporters and told to act as if he was prepared to talk to them about the embezzlement issue. The fact that he had worked with the MRF was an added attraction. Mooney told Col Tugwell that the RUCSB would brief Hammond on the contents of the report and coach him to ensure that the reporters would bring the issue up, not him. Mooney left HQ NI at the end of 1973, so the Tara document must have been created by Army Intelligence before then.

Although Hammond’s time as an MRF asset was short, the impact of his association with the unit would cast a long shadow. The roots of the trouble for him commenced on 22 June 1972 when the MRF shot and wounded four men, aged 18, 19, 21 and 28, on the Glen Road, Belfast. A Sgt Clive Williams of the MRF was later charged in connection with the shooting. He had used a non-standard issue Thompson submachine gun (used by the IRA at the time) in the incident. This weapon belonged to Captain Jim McGregor, then the leader of the MRF, who was also in the same vehicle as Sgt Williams. It later emerged that the ammunition for the Thompson submachine gun was supplied by the RUC. The problem looming over the horizon for Hammond was that the media was becoming more and more interested in the MRF shooting incident. Cunningham became involved in the World Alliance of Young Men’s Christian Association (YMCA) in 1947 and became Chairman of its National Council two years later, something which put him in charge of the YMCA in Ireland, Wales and England. His Wikipedia entry suggests that he became involved with the YMCA because of his “religious faith” but it is more likely he wanted to gain access to young men. Much of his interaction with the YMCA boys involved the sport of boxing. According to Bryans, he took Kincora boys to the YMCA in England. W. Boys Smith of the NIO drew up a memo on 30 June 1983 which was copied to several individuals including Sir Philip Woodfield, the permanent undersecretary at the NIO, and the Director and Co-ordinator of Intelligence (DCI) at the NIO, Hal Doyne-Ditmas, a member of MI5. It stated at para 2 that Doyne-Ditmas was “worried about the likely intrusion of the inquiry into intelligence matters if the terms of reference were as wide as those we had in mind…..”A cabinet minister has played down the suggestion of a government split on the Rwanda asylum plan after the home secretary said it was not the "be all and end all" of migration policy.

Finally, what “political embarrassment” could be caused to “the Secretary of State by any such revelations.”?We have successfully, in the last year, bought the numbers of people coming over here illegally down by a third," she said. A more legible copy of the 8 February report is reproduced at the end of this article. Fisk’s report about the visit he received in Dublin from the ‘diplomat’ Michael Daly of the British Embassy. A more legible copy is reproduced at the end of this article.