Europe's Fault Lines: Racism and the Rise of the Right

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Europe's Fault Lines: Racism and the Rise of the Right

Europe's Fault Lines: Racism and the Rise of the Right

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Example: Over 100 years we may expect a few, rare, large earthquakes to cause a total of 200 deaths. One particularly striking example given is that of Tino Brandt, a fascist in Thuringia in Germany, who was recruited by the security services and later given a prison sentence for over sixty cases of sexual abuse of minors, including rape. It can be useful for future policies regarding different kinds of buildings and infrastructure such as dams, tall buildings or even bridges. Part of this knowledge is now also being used by geologists, seismologists and engineers as part of the STREST project, which by the time it finishes in 2016 hopes to have developed a common way of evaluating the risk to critical infrastructure, and have identified the key buildings, bridges, roads and pipelines that would have the greatest impact on our society if they were damaged during an earthquake.

It took me years to see through its soft charm to its bitter prickly kernel - which I quite like too. And a box, it might be added, can be of various sizes, the small one which (supposedly) insists that political extremism is best explained without reference to the role of the state and the larger one that insists that it cannot be explained in any other way except in relation to the state and capitalism. The hotspots near Brussels, Budapest and Lisbon are because a number of earthquakes have happened in the past, while the hotspot in the western Pyrenees is because of the geological make-up of the area, the project said.While there was a pushback against the New Right and this trajectory during the mid-1990s – seen in, for example, the progressive reform of citizenship laws in some parts of the European Union – this has been a brief blip in a move ever rightwards. This book not only paints a gut-wrenching portrait of the vulgarity and violence of Neoliberalism, but through her clarity of analysis, Fekete gives us sustenance for the struggles that lay ahead.

This tendency gathered steam following the World Trade Center attacks in 2001 and the subsequent coalitions to invade Afghanistan and Iraq. The left must be rooted in local communities, supporting new models of economic and community regeneration based on self-help to give people hope and dignity’ (176). The average annual loss of life represents the expected number of fatalities per year, on average, due to damaged and collapsed buildings through earthquakes. One thing that seems to be lacking from most analysis of the far right (or perhaps it is sufficiently detailed and differential analysis itself that is lacking) is the extent to which it is a phenomenon which often struggles to put down roots in cities: the largest urban centre which Marine Le Pen won in the 2017 presidential election in France was Calais, the sixty-seventh most populous in the country.In the EU’s most recent electoral test, Estonia’s general election on March 3 rd,, it (in the shape of the EKRE party) more than doubled its share of the vote, to 17. This has happened through the creation of new criminal offences and the strict implementation of a raft of administrative ones. This book sadly reads as an overly ideological and subjective analysis on the rise of the right, rather than offering any substantial insights into why the far right is gaining support across Europe. Instead, it can be argued that processes such as globalisation do not have actor-like qualities and do not create ‘identity crises’ by themselves.



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